The Statement September 1989
Profile by Dr CUTHBERT CHIDOORI
My First General Conference of the Assemblies of God
The Congress on Mission and Evangelism held in Durban
W F P Burton and some Congo Missionaries
Nicholas
Bekinkosi Hepworth Bhengu
– His Youthful Dreams
– His Preaching
- Bhengu and Education
- Bhengu and Money
- Miraculous Experiences
- Spiritual Happenings
- The Sanctifying Spirit of God
– His Departure
Bhengu’s “Isinthunzi”
- Government and Politics
– Some Faults, Virtues and the Burden
of His Heart
President Lucas Mangope of Bophuthatswana
William
Frederick Mullan
The Fairview Assembly
Fred Mullan and the Gifts of the Spirit
A Miracle and a Vision
The Revival in Norwood
James E Mullan
Paul O Lange
William Branham in Durban
Oral Roberts in South Africa
Billy
Graham in Salisbury and Durban
The American Missionaries from Springfield, Missouri
C. Austin Chawner and the Portuguese Work
August Kast and the Mount Tabor Mission Station
Colin
La Foy and the Coloured Leadership
The Work in Zimbabwe
Mauritius and Reunion Island
Special
–1
Special
Answers to Prayer – 2
A Beautiful Square with Good Vibes
Prayer and the Hippie Revival
The Young Turks
Tensions within the Group
The Split
of 1981 – Part One
The Split
of 1981 – Part Two
The Beginnings of the Faith Movement in South Africa
The Statement of September 1989
The Charismatic Renewal
The Start of the Pentecostal Revival World Wide and The Swedish Pentecostal Assemblies
Epilogue
APPENDIX 1 : How to be Filled with the Holy Spirit
APPENDIX 2 : The National Church by Nicholas Bhengu
APPENDIX 3 : Article from the Argus 5/02/1981
APPENDIX 4 : Pointers to the future of the Assemblies of God in the New South Africa (10/06/94)
1. The Assemblies of God does not align itself with any party political stance.
2. We will not allow our movement to be captured by or become the instrument of either radical elements or those who uphold the ‘status quo’ and thus we will be free before God to speak and minister to one and all in the light of the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, to meet the needs of everyone.
3. Our churches are open to all who wish to worship God through our Lord Jesus Christ, regardless of race, colour, or political sentiments. We strongly affirm that the only Christian stance is to recognise people as people.
4. Since the inception of the Assemblies of God, in South Africa, we have always had a non-racial Executive and General Conference, even as we have today.
5. We are against unjust exploitation, racial discrimination, the disruption of peace in our society, and oppression either by the State or by the individual. We stand for justice, righteousness, and peace for all people. As Christians we should not be blinded by prejudice, and so all genuine attempts to promote harmony and the betterment of our social structure are to be commended.
6. While we do not wish to prescribe any particular model of government, it seems to us that Biblical justice would best be expressed in the principle of one person, one vote, non-racially, in one country and nation under God’s guidance, and we pray that in some form or other this will come about.
7. We believe that it is a matter of real urgency that a National Convention be convened. This must include all leaders of significance in South Africa, whether these be presently detained, banned, imprisoned, in exile, or functioning under the existing system.
8. We consider this is a positive solution to a situation which will otherwise continue to deteriorate to a point where dialogue and peaceful change will become impossible, and violence will become the awful alternative.
9. It must be understood that as Christians we are convinced that ultimately the only truly effective power to change society for the better is the Gospel of Jesus Christ. We call upon all our people to give themselves devoutly to preach and apply the Word of God. This we do, not as a program to change society, but in obedience to our Lord’s command. However, when the Gospel is preached effectively, society is changed for the better.
The socio-political statement printed above was accepted by the 1989 General
Conference of the Assemblies of God well-nigh unanimously (1 006 for,
1 against, 5 abstentions). Throughout our history the main body of
the Assemblies of God has distanced itself from political statements.
To such an extent was this so that persons thought to be openly voicing
political criticisms of the government were reproved by the General
Executive.
Nicholas Bhengu himself warned his people not to get involved politically
because of the violence inherent in radical politics. He was careful to
affirm that our only effectiveness as a church was through preaching the
Gospel and by prayer.
There was an occasion in a meeting of the General Executive when an African
member quietly remonstrated at a fiery speech by another Executive member.
He said, “When someone has TB I don’t like him to cough on
me. In my unsaved days I was highly politicised, but when I came to the
Lord he took all that from me. Now I don’t even talk of those things
because when I do the old bitterness is stirred up in me”.
Another senior African pastor commented on a somewhat resentful harangue
intended as a prophetical word to a conference of white ministers. The
black pastor said, “Forget the past! I’m in this fire too!”
Yet that particular pastor was no Uncle Tom. It was he indeed who buried
a young gang member in the face of threats by a rival political gang that
anyone doing so would be killed. He felt as a minister he had to comply
with the request by the family even at the risk of his life.
As it transpired, the rival gang was present at the funeral, intent on
mischief, but the dignity and anointedness of the elderly preacher quelled
them. One of the gang became converted and later recounted what had gone
on as the pastor preached.
In spite of reluctance from some who recalled Brother Bhengu’s strictures,
the need for some sort of statement from the General Conference became
increasingly apparent because of pressure from the grass-roots of the Assemblies
of God. It was stated that silence appeared to favour the ‘status
quo’. Certain of our Coloured and Indian constituency voiced that
impression consistently, sometimes with a degree of obloquy. The brunt
of criticism fell on the white ministers who for their part came to feel
that by implication at least, they were being unfairly linked with right-wing
elements that were said to characterise other Pentecostal churches. As
leader of the white assemblies, I became a particular target. Obviously
I did not relish that situation, especially when it gave rise to episodes
that were deeply grieving. But nothing I could do ever changed it, even
when I brought about our resignation from the Fellowship of Pentecostal
Churches because of their perceived paternalistic attitudes and blundering
conservative inclinations.
Some of my brethren were like sand in my shoe. But, to change the analogy
slightly, a grain of sand in an oyster produces a pearl. So the irritation
of ‘deja vu’ implications of racialism worked on me no matter
how misplaced and unfair I felt (and still do feel) they were. Besides
that, I could well see that in the ferment of the 1980s, a significant
church like the Assemblies of God had to give some voice of guidance to
its members. I worked on a statement which took shape in three stages.
Initially something was presented to the Conference in 1985. It was expanded
in 1987, but although both these were passed by the General Conference,
they seemed ineffective in the growing revolutionary climate of the times.
The catalyst that produced the final draft was an informal ‘think-tank’ of
about 40 selected people who met in Swaziland under the aegis of Dr Tokunboh
Adeyemo of Kenya. Tokunboh Adeyemo is a Nigerian now resident in Nairobi,
Kenya. A well-educated spiritual statesman concerned with the problems
of Africa, he managed to call together some people of diverse sentiments
but united by a shared anxiety on the growing crisis in the Republic of
South Africa. Present were Dutch Reformed dominees and professors at the
one end of the spectrum, and at the other end, a radical churchman from
Soweto who expressed his unease at being present lest his friends in Soweto
should class him as a ‘sell-out’ for so much as talking to
the forum. He feared they might even kill him. Between those two poles
were others whose sentiments were less clearly defined. After two days
of discussion under Tokunboh’s firm chairmanship, a committee (which
included the journalist Ron Steele of Rhema) was asked to compose a declaration.
Instinctively I had an intuition of what I should do, and I did it. I conflated
the existing statements of the Assemblies of God with essential parts of
the new declaration, carefully wording my draft. It was accepted by the
General Executive and after considerable lobbying, it was passed well-nigh
unanimously by the General Conference at Mmabatho in 1989. It gave me a
secret satisfaction to note that my brethren on the General Executive were
dumb-founded at the draft. No doubt they found it quite out of character
with their opinion of me. Even Tokunboh Adeyemo’s ‘think-tank’ which
he called together again after a year was noticeably surprised and questioned
me on how such a radical statement came to be passed virtually unanimously
by a Conference of above 1000 delegates. I understand that academics at
UNISA applauded it as unprecedented among Pentecostal churches and have
cited it in their lecture notes.
In 1989 the general impression was that President PW Botha ruled the land
with an iron hand. At that stage of history to call for the release of
political prisoners, the unbanning of political movements and a consultation
such as later transpired in the form of ‘CODESA’ was radical,
to say the least. At that time Mr Botha had not yet suffered his fateful
stroke that led to his ousting in favour of Mr FW de Klerk, something one
might think of as an act of God to break up a political log-jam in South
Africa.
Unthinking critics in the Assemblies of God who say the General Executive
gives no lead to the movement should weigh what took place in 1989. It
is not easy to steer a large ship like the Assemblies of God in the surging
waters of South African history in the making. Viewed now in the New Millenium
the events of ten or twelve years ago might seem of little account, for
history commences afresh with every new generation (or so they think) but
thinking people will look back with more discernment